The network revolution through which we are living has produced a marketplace far different from that which we knew in the 20th century. As we live the history of these changes we are also living the evolution of the regulatory model that developed around the realities of the 20th century. There are some who suggest that the new technology should free the new networks from regulation. While the elimination of circuit-switched monopoly markets certainly obviates the need for the old monopoly-based regulation of that technology, one can also arguethat the new networks are even more important to society than were the old ones and that the public has the right to be represented in the change equation.
The era of Facebook, Google, and Twitter is defined by its constant change. Letter writing, and to a lesser degree, talking on the phone, are vestiges of history. The way we think, speak, and act has been drastically changed in the previous decade of social media, but it is far from the first time people have encountered an upheaval of this sort.
A good read on the history of technology. Former Chair of the FCC, Tom Wheeler, brings policy experience and well researched and entertaining history to bear in this sort, readable and critical work. Showing the parallels of development from the printing press, telegraph, telephone, internet, and development into AI and the IoT, Wheeler provides guideposts to future development and policy issues. Discussing the security, privacy, and policy challenges, Wheeler also recognizes the inexorable march towards progress, including discussing those opposed to it at each major technological development. An entertaining read and an important one.
This brilliant book ties together literature, philosophy, art, music, architecture, philosophy, and nearly every other element of human knowledge. The book shows the interconnected nature and ribbon threaded throughout human history from the caveman to modern man, focusing on Western European experience. A great read. Phenomenal.
During the four years that the Civil War lasted, the greaterproportion of the Negroes remained in the South, and worked faithfullyfor the support of their masters' families, who, as a general rule,were away in the war. The self-control which the Negro exhibitedduring the war marks, it seems to me, one of the most importantchapters in the history of the race. Notwithstanding he knew that hismaster was away from home, fighting a battle which, if successful,would result in his continued enslavement, yet he worked faithfullyfor the support of the master's family. If the Negro had yielded tothe temptation and suggestion to use the torch or dagger in an attemptto destroy his[Pg 9] master's property and family, the result would havebeen that the war would have been ended quickly; for the master wouldhave returned from the battlefield to protect and defend his propertyand family. But the Negro to the last was faithful to the trust thathad been thrust upon him, and during the four years of war in whichthe male members of the family were absent from their homes there isnot a single instance recorded where he in any way attempted tooutrage the family of the master or in any way to injure his property.
Without experience, without preparation, and in most cases withoutordinary intelligence, he was encouraged to leave the field and shopand enter politics. That under such circumstances he should have mademistakes is very natural. I do not believe that the Negro was so muchat fault for entering so largely into politics, and for the mistakesthat were made in too many cases, as were the unscrupulous whiteleaders who got the Negro's confidence[Pg 12] and controlled his vote tofurther their own ends, regardless, in many cases, of the permanentwelfare of the Negro. I have always considered it unfortunate that theSouthern white man did not make more of an effort during the period ofreconstruction to get the confidence and sympathy of the Negro, andthus have been able to keep him in close touch and sympathy inpolitics. It was also unfortunate that the Negro was so completelyalienated from the Southern white man in all political matters. Ithink it would have been better for all concerned if, immediatelyafter the close of the war, an educational and property qualificationfor the exercise of the franchise had been prescribed that would haveapplied fairly and squarely to both races, and, also, if, in educatingthe Negro, greater stress had been put upon training him along thelines of industry for which his services were in the greatest demandin the South.[Pg 13] In a word, too much stress was placed upon the merematter of voting and holding political office rather than upon thepreparation for the highest citizenship. In saying what I have, I donot mean to convey the impression that the whole period ofreconstruction was barren of fruitful results. While it is not a veryencouraging chapter in the history of our country, I believe that thisperiod did serve to point out many weak points in our effort toelevate the Negro, and that we are now taking advantage of themistakes that were made. The period of reconstruction served at leastto show the world that with proper preparation and with a sufficientfoundation the Negro possesses the elements out of which men of thehighest character and usefulness can be developed. I might nameseveral characters who were brought before the world by reason of thereconstruction period. I give one as an example[Pg 14] of others: Hon.Blanche K. Bruce, who had been a slave, but who held many honourablepositions in the State of Mississippi, including an election to theUnited States Senate, where he served a full term; later he was twiceappointed Register of the United States Treasury. In all thesepositions Mr. Bruce gave the greatest satisfaction, and not a singlewhisper of dishonesty or incompetency has ever been heard against him.During the period of his public life he was brought into active anddaily contact with Northern and Southern white people, all of whomspeak of him in the highest measure of respect and confidence.
The wonder is that the Negro has made as few mistakes as he has, whenwe consider all the surrounding circumstances. Columns of figures havebeen gleaned from the census reports within[Pg 47] the last quarter of acentury to show the great amount of crime committed by the Negro inexcess of that committed by other races. No one will deny the factthat the proportion of crime by the present generation of Negroes isseriously large, but I believe that any other race with the Negro'shistory and present environment would have shown about the samecriminal record.
A very weak argument often used against pushing industrial trainingfor the Negro is that the Southern white man favours it, and,therefore, it is not best for the Negro. Although I was born a slave,I am thankful that I am able so far to rid myself of prejudice as tobe able to accept a good thing, whether it comes from a black man or awhite man, a Southern man or a Northern man. Industrial education willnot only help the Negro directly in the matter of industrialdevelopment, but also in bringing about more satisfactory relationsbetween him and the Southern white man. For the sake of the Negro[Pg 65] andthe Southern white man there are many things in the relation of thetwo races that must soon be changed. We cannot depend wholly uponabuse or condemnation of the Southern white man to bring about thesechanges. Each race must be educated to see matters in a broad, high,generous, Christian spirit: we must bring the two races together, notestrange them. The Negro must live for all time by the side of theSouthern white man. The man is unwise who does not cultivate in everymanly way the friendship and good will of his next-door neighbour,whether he be black or white. I repeat that industrial training willhelp cement the friendship of the two races. The history of the worldproves that trade, commerce, is the forerunner of peace andcivilisation as between races and nations. The Jew, who was once inabout the same position that the Negro is to-day, has now recognition,because he has entwined[Pg 66] himself about America in a business andindustrial sense. Say or think what we will, it is the tangible orvisible element that is going to tell largely during the next twentyyears in the solution of the race problem.
In many respects the next twenty years are going to be the mostserious in the history of the race. Within this period it will belargely decided whether the Negro will be able to retain the holdwhich he now has upon the industries of the South or whether his placewill be filled by white people from a distance. The only way he canprevent the industrial occupations slipping[Pg 76] from him in all parts ofthe South, as they have already in certain parts, is for alleducators, ministers, and friends of the race to unite in pushingforward in a whole-souled manner the industrial or businessdevelopment of the Negro, whether in school or out of school. Fourtimes as many young men and women of the race should be receivingindustrial training. Just now the Negro is in a position to feel andappreciate the need of this in a way that no one else can. No one canfully appreciate what I am saying who has not walked the streets of aNorthern city day after day seeking employment, only to find everydoor closed against him on account of his colour, except in menialservice. It is to prevent the same thing taking place in the Souththat I plead. We may argue that mental development will take care ofall this. Mental development is a good thing. Gold is also a goodthing, but gold is worthless[Pg 77] without an opportunity to make itselftouch the world of trade. Education increases greatly an individual'swants. It is cruel in many cases to increase the wants of the blackyouth by mental development alone without, at the same time,increasing his ability to supply these increased wants in occupationsin which he can find employment. 781b155fdc